When I was asked last month by an esteemed and distinguished colleague in the Midland to write about the linguae franca of Baguio in present time in preparation for this Baguio Day Supplement issue, I almost said “No, thank you” as I imagined the possibilities of hardened critics, skeptics, and perfectics with their unbridled arrows (the likes) of: “Are you sure?” “How d’ya know?” “Would it not have been better if..?” “How about this..?” “or that..” and so on , ad infinitum.

But I have to disabuse myself of such socio-chronic “possibilities” of our times – “perfectics” these times are what the Canadian French call Ils sont normal! Besides, I bear fierce allegiance to the eminent Dr. Ursula Perez’s reference of my tribemates as “stoic” in character as well as to the advice of my Bayyo historian – Peter Saguilot: “roll from the punches and arrows of critics, make their comments enrich your findings; not dampen them!”

And so here I am to share with you my observations on the present trend(s) of Baguio’s linguae franca as well as the findings I have summarized from some informants and individuals –reference. For easier presentation, let me use two terms: “the Cordi tribes” to refer to the Ifugaos, Bontocs, Ibalois, Kankana-eys, Kalingas, Tinggians, Isnegs, and others; and “the lowland tribes” to refer to the Ilokanos, Pangasinenses, Tagalogs, Kapampangans, Visayans, Mindanaoans, and so forth.

Cordi “tribes” to Iluko
Among the Cordi tribes in Baguio today, they speak – or they have to speak – Iluko (not the language variety spoken in the Ilocoses or in La Union, but the “Baguio Ilokano” version). The main reason for this is: they may not “enforce” their own language when speaking to a member of another tribe; for example, an Ifugao cannot use the Tuwali language to an Ifontok – Tuwali and Finontok are two different languages.

Their natural and psychologically convenient lingua franca shall be “Baguio Ilocano” (even if one of them can approximate the lowland Iluko accent, he will – by law of prudence – desist from using it when speaking with a “fellow” (Cordilleran).

Another reason is Baguio Ilokano is the language really used in many homes in the city and elsewhere. I tried asking some friends who I know have this status and most answered: “Uray ta haan met nga Ilokano ti taga-baba” (Anyway, it is not the Iluko of the lowlands). Two at least said: “Yes, we are Igorots, but our children cannot answer us in the native dialect.”

Still, another reason is: almost every (if not totally all) Baguio City (Cordi tribe) citizen is truly bi-lingual every day: he speaks a Cordi tongue with his “tribemates” only; but outside his “tribe,” he will speak Baguio Ilokano; or others (e.g. Tagalog, English, etc.). Otherwise, he cannot conduct his business, profession, duties, and the like, if he ever opts to use one main/minor language in his waking time!

These foregoing trends are further demonstrated clearly in the cases of “mixed marriages” i.e. one, a Cordi and the spouse, a “lowlander” or vice-versa.
What do the family members use at home? If the lowland-descended spouse is Ilokano, it will be Iluko; if non-Ilocano, a third language neither native to any of them, e.g. English. Iluko in the first instance because both can speak it; and English in the second, by reason of preference, agreement, or even for the sake of (what Filipinos call) “fairness” or “neutrality” in the conjugal life-partnership!

Lowland “tribes” to Tagalog
The Tagalog referred to here is not really the Wikang Pambansa (or Balarila) Tagalog; nor is it the Batangas, or Laguna, or Bulacan variety, observed by some Philippine linguists as the “purer types” of said language. Rather, it is what others (albeit linguists included) call the “popular,” “simplified,” or even “modern” Tagalog. For technical accuracy, let us use the term Popular Tagalog and this is the one spoken by present-day Baguioites of “lowland” descent or birth.

The foremost reason given by some I have talked with is: ganoon maki pag-usap ang mga bata sa amin (it is by that language our children speak to us [parents]).

What they are referring to as “children” are not only the elementary or high school kids but even their college offspring! There was one couple who said their second boy, John, who is “married and has his own (nuclear) family speaks to us in Tagalog as he does to his wife and children and they to him!”

Another reason given by informants is: “all the others speak Tagalog; so, why do we have to insist on using Iluko, if they speak to us in Tagalog; not to mention those who cannot even understand Iluko! (Each time they use this logic in the interviews, I have to encourage them with a: Ah, wen met a!).

In the course of those interviews, these Baguioites of “lowland” descent refer to those in the Ilocoses as taga-baba (lowland inhabitants) and their spoken languages as sau ti taga-baba i.e. “language of the lowland dweller” and their own language as Ilokano ti Baguio i.e. “Baguio Ilocano.” They cite some examples of the non-similarities to wit: taga-baba = Ania ti napasamak? taga-Baguio = Ania ti nangyari? (Engl. “What happened?”); taga-baba = Pag sabatan yo? taga-Baguio = Pagkitaan yo? (Engl. “Where will you meet?”); taga-baba = Nabara unay la! taga-Baguio = Napudot  unay ya! (Engl. It’s too hot AFFIRM!); and so forth.

Finally, if we observe “lowland-descended” families now using Tagalog in their daily transactions, the wisdom of their logic in language shifts could be simplified as follows: Aware that the Cordi tribes are gradually into embracing their native Iluko not only as a regular lingua franca among themselves but even as the language in their homes, these lowland-descended families feel “automatically allied” in language with the Cordis. But to function in society, they have to follow suit with the rest of the lowland-descended ones (who are their consanguinal, affinal, or putative kins) towards the trend of using Tagalog as the language at home!

In effect, the lowland-descended – especially if he is Ilocano – use two linguae franca: “Baguio Ilocano” when communicating with the “Cordi tribes” and Tagalog when communicating with the “lowland tribes.”

Concluding Remarks
As early as 1660, Spanish missionaries assigned in Tonglo (now Tuba and Baguio City) write of the presence of two or three among the Igorrotes, when in great numbers, who “spoke the Iloco dialect,” pidgin style.

In later centuries, although the “Cordi tribes” have been able to preserve using the respective village languages of their foreparents, Iluko has emerged to be their “language of commerce.” Simply stated, outside his village, the Igorrote has to communicate in Iluko in order to usefully function as an integral part of Philippine society. Linguistically, at the age of reason, if not earlier, he becomes basically a bi-lingual – speaking his village language plus Iluko.

The case of the “lowland tribes” trending now towards the use of Tagalog as their lingua franca is of “more recent” development. Shall we attribute this to media – both print and electronic? “Maybe so!” will be a logical meantime answer.

But look closely into specific but “routinary” examples and the picture becomes clearer. Your best model is the elementary kid of today, of any parentage – Cordi, lowland, or “mixed.”

The same kid stays eight hours, more or less, for five days (Mon-Fri) in school; in effect, more hours spent in school than hours spent at home during his alert, waking, learning, and peak time. [So] to what languages is he exposed mostly during those waking hours? English and Tagalog inside the classroom, but Tagalog only outside the classroom – seldom other languages.

When he goes to college, will not the same routine obtain? Rarely, if not. When he gets employed, who dare says the scenario will change? (Speak forth and you shall be an exception case, po). In his social dealings and the like, the same pattern pervades – unless he “selects company” of others and “isolates” himself once-in-a-while.

From the above circumstances, you can almost predict the fiber of linguistic culture he will rear his future family members into, once he settles down. Can’t you?

Many Cordi scholars regret the inability of any of the village languages to rise to the status of a lingua franca – in the fashion of “Baguio Ilocano” and Tagalog – but individual self-introspection will remind us that if at all, we have no one to blame except ourselves: We never really exerted any effort to standardize any of our languages and bring it to the populi! It has been just there for centuries, spoken and understood only by those expected to use it.
Aside from the “natural” (more technically, “logical”) rise of “Baguio Ilocano” as one lingua franca of Baguio City and suburbs in present time and perhaps in the few decades to come, the efforts of Ilocano writers and scholars e.g. in the Bannawag and in the GUMIL (Gunglo ti Mannurat nga Ilokano) have fortified the “Baguio Ilocano”’ variety’s stature as the present-day Baguio-Benguet lingua franca “over” (or “equal to”?) Tagalog.

The centennial comes and we can see our linguistic situation in Baguio City and its suburbs: “Baguio Ilocano” and Tagalog, the leading linguae franca; the other languages, alive and much spoken, but wanting standardization and nurture from without or within!